Wednesday, March 20, 2013

Common Gender: The First Queer Feature in Bangladesh


Making film on sexually marginalized people is almost a revolutionary attempt by a filmmaker in Bangladesh. Noman Robin’s debut feature Common Gender: The Film portrays the struggle and deprivation of Hijras, the transgender community in Bangladesh. It is a movie version of a television drama of the same title. Queer films are regularly produced in some other countries which depict the psycho-social struggle of homosexual, transgender or transvestites. Directors like Derek Jarman or Gregg Araki have addressed the queer issues in their films. Some of the films made by Pedro Almodovar, Rainer Warner Fassbinder, Chen Kaige, Ang Lee or Wong Kar-Wai also dealt with the issue. In Bangladesh, the study of identity politics focuses on the rights of women in a patriarchal society. But other sexual identities are generally ignored in the art forms. Common Gender is one if the first artistic expressions that deals with the issues of Hijras, a marginalized community with transgender sexual identity.

Though Hijras have several forms in sexual identities, in Common Gender, they are described as children born as males but as they grow up, internal hormonal change compels them to act like females; they wear female dresses, behave like women; at a stage, they are rejected by their family and the society they used to live in. After leaving the family, they are raised within a Hijra community, under the supervision of a Masi. In the new derived community their names are changed – Susmoy turns into Susmita or Babu into Bubli. These two are two prominent characters in the film Common Gender but they have some other friends named as Tuli, Shakiba, Shakira, Pori and Tushi. They have a common friend Tota Mia with regular male identity residing nearby their slum. In a wedding, a Hindu young man Sanjoy proposed Susmita to be his friend. Through mobile phone conversations they become intimate. Sanjoy often says if Susmita were a woman. Sanjoy’s expectation increases femininity within Susmita. She falls in love with Sanjoy. Sanjoy introduces Susmita with his parents but they scolded their son for having a Hijra friend. After being ill-treated by Sanjoy’s parents, Susmita committed suicide. The very day of Susmita’s death, her mother visited the slum. Bubli started missing her mother after seeing Susmita’s mother. She visited her home in the midnight. Her brother scolded and beat her for entering home. This incident also provoked Bubli to commit suicide. In the last imaginary scene of the film, Susmita and Bubli met in the heaven.

The brief storyline reveals that the director’s intention was not to tell a prolonged story in a classical narrative style. His focus was to portray how dominant sexual politics marginalized Hijra community and which resulted a horrible living for them. Consequently, in one way, some plain and primary information regarding Hijras are given in the film – how they collect money from the markets and households, what slang they use in their conversation and how typically they move and walk with their unique mannerism and style. But the film also emphasizes on the undiscovered crude reality. According to the film, born as a male, because of internal hormonal activity, the child gradually starts acting like a female and then the child is thrown out from the family. She might be born in an affluent family, but after being rejected from the family she might have to live in a slum with other Hijra friends. While living a Hijra life, she is humiliated in every step she crosses in the world dominated by heterosexuals. She is pushed back from both male and female corners in a public toilet. After death, she doesn’t get a room in a graveyard; she has to conceal her identity if wanted to be buried. Because of discriminations, they might be desperate in their attitudes – they embarrass people by obscene words and insist them to donate money. But the film also shows the other part of the coin; like other marginalized people, their lives are also full of fun – they often dance, sing songs, gossip and play together. Moreover they have a common understanding of helping each other. Though they always bully each other but they have intimate friendly relations comprising with deep love and affection.  

The human relationship at one end and the discrimination from sexually dominant majority from other – the chemistry of these two components has developed the narrative which would make any sensible audience involved with the film. The deep passion of Susmita for Sanjoy or the love of Bubli for her mother has created a humanist story that transcends the border of sexual identity. This humanist approach perhaps will make the audience understand the social abuse and the hegemony of dominant sexual identity have compelled Susmita and Bubli to kill theirselves. After watching the film the audience will achieve a different look towards the Hijras. There needed an emotional arousal to bring this change in perception and the director is successful to make a poignant humanist story. 

However, the seriousness of the plot has been flawed by the popular approach of the director. He has incorporated a lot of commercial elements to ensure audience presence in the theatres. Tota Mia, the character set in the plot as a bridge between Hijra community and mainstream society. Being a heterosexual male, he is closely connected with the Hijras, especially with Susmita. He brought the news of a show of a Jatra Pala, the popular play form in Bangladesh, and all Hijras joined him to watch the play. But we don’t see any Jatra play in the film rather the dance number of a Princess was picturized which is an item song borrowed from contemporary Bollywood formula. The film also added some song numbers to attract the audience; however there was a blunder in the film where a Kawali song is sung in a Hindu wedding ceremony. Some conventional approaches have made the film abstaining to be a radical one. Though there was a reference of mullahs to be hostile to the Hijras, but the mullahs we see in the film were very considerate, sensible and reasonable to them. Even after experiencing humiliation in everyday life, Hijras in the film have full faith in God and they frequently remember God.

The most emotional sequence of the film was Bubli’s attempt to meet her mother. She was beaten and humiliated by her brother in the midnight. While coming back, she found a mother was feeding her child in a slum. She requested to the mother to consider her as elder son who has come back from his daily job. Bubli gives the mother some money as a gift from the son and requests her to pretend as her mother. Then she fantasizes the imagined incident of meeting mother – she draws a picture of her house on air; she remains outside of her house and the slum mother inside; she knocks the door, the mother replied and offered the son a warm meal; this fantasizing process ends with Bubli’s huge cry of her failure of meeting mother. The whole sequence is acted very skillfully. The quality drama sequence with sound montage of recitation from holly scriptures, groaning Bubli’s clap mannerism in slow motion ensure audience involved emotionally and shed tears, just as the slum mother cried after listening the misery of Bubli’s life.  The sound of the film was recorded by Rahul Anand who also composed the background music. In both of the roles he did well. Dilip Chakrabarti was the best performer in the film in the role of Bubli, as he carried the whole film to the end with his stunning acting. Dolly Zahur was excellent in the small role of the slum mother. Saju Khadem’s performance in Susmita’s role was also good; other actors in the Hijra characters were also satisfactory. But Rashed Mamun’s acting in Tota’s role should be especially mentioned. The character was always a relief in the narrative and he performed really well with his types acting. Rozi Siddiqui in the role of Susmita’s mother and Sohel Khan in the role of the Masi were failures.

After Susmita’s burial everybody went drunk to forget the death of Susmita. This scene was also an important part of the film. Tota drew attention to everybody and mentioned how rich was Susmita’s mother. He also raised the question why they sent Susmita to the slum – they could send Susmita abroad. Tota said his mother died when he was young, after seeing Susmita’s mother he remembered his own mother. Bubli asked Tota to keep mum as she told in anguish that Hijras did not have any mother or father and they had fallen from the sky to the earth. The scene was nicely taken by the cinematographer Jahed Nannu. As everybody was drunk, the images in the scene went out of focus several times and the camera moved with hand-held jerks. However, the film included an exceptional example of owning a Hijra child. The Susmita and others went to take away an androgyne child from a family; but in spite of being a low income family, the parents refused to give their child to the Hijra community. This is a positive indication in the storyline that persistent parents could keep their child with them, no mater from which income group the family is.        

The opening sequence describes the city life in the early morning – buses are running, cleaners are sweeping the roads, garments workers are going to their workplace, passersby are walking, the main road is getting full of traffic, the street hawker boy is selling stuffs in the traffic signal, people are having breakfast at the restaurant, and a restaurant worker is throwing rubbish at one side of the road. At this stage, the narrative enters to the plot from the non-diegetic city life – Bubli’s mother looks down from the rooftop to the thrown rubbish, her elder son Raju crosses the rubbish and the DVD salesman calls Raju to complain against his brother Babu (Bubli) who snatched some DVDs yesterday without payment. Heated Raju disowned his brother and refuses to payback as the salesman claimed the money. Bubli’s mother saw the whole incident from the roof. Usually Bangladeshi filmmakers do not describe the life around the characters; instead they directly focus on the characters. Sometimes the non-diegetic elements can increase the beauty of the diegesis. The sketchy presentation of city life at the beginning of the film has proven the cinematic senses of the director.

The second sequence of the film was also presented in an interesting way. Two small stories are described here in parallel cut editing by Hasan Mahadi – the first story is about the comments of policeman, rickshaw puller, truck conductor and carom players as well as the comments of Muslim Moulavi, Hindu Brahmin, Buddhist Monk and Christian Priest towards the Hijras; the second story describes the transvestite acts of the Hijras – wearing ornaments and female artifacts. 

The cinematographer of the film heavily depended on top angle shots especially in the dramatic scenes. A few dolly shots also have been taken from top of the heads of the characters. In most cases, this subjective camera angle signifies the appeal of the characters to the almighty to resolve their problems. Excess of top angles could be reduced with the use of some regular shots as sometimes it seemed unnecessary.

The film was shot in Sony Cine Ultra camera and was exhibited through 2K digital projection system. The digital format has ensured completing such a film with exceptional content in a relatively low budget. However, the quality of the image in the theatre was found satisfactory. With the help of the format the director tried to add some effects in post production phase. The animation of the title card was just a failure. But the last scene was nicely manipulated where we see Bubli and Susmita meet in the heaven. But, perhaps, it was not necessary to end the film with such a scene where Susmita raised a question regarding the ultimate identity after resurrection – male or female? The fantasizing sequence of Bubli could be a good choice to end the film.

The attempt of Noman Robin to work with a marginalized community has made the film an exceptional initiative with alternative content. The film also fills the quota of queer cinema from a country which has a long tradition of filmmaking. The film indicates that several issues are there in Bangladesh society which are yet to be explored and which can enrich the cinematic endeavour of the new time.   

24 July, 2012

First Published in Celluloid, a Dhaka based film journal..

Friday, November 2, 2012

Nagpoornima: Just Another Snake Cinema


Nagpoornima
Bangladesh, 1983
Dir: Masud Parvez
Main Actors: Sohel Rana, Babita, Rozina, Adil.
Format: 35 mm
Duration: 135 mins
The Kalnagini (female black cobra) targeted a pet bird of a child for her dinner. The baby girl hits the snake with a stick for taking her bird. The Kalnagini bites the girl, the daughter of a snake-charmer, dies. The angry father plays the flute to find the Kalnagini and kills the son of the Kalnagini. Raged Kalnagini declares she will kill the son of the snake-charmer and thus will make him childless. The father rushes to Sadhu Baba, the saint. Sadhu Baba prescribes a difficult and complex way to save Mangol, the son. The snake-charmer has to feed the venom of black cobra everyday for 12 years. The boy was also given an armlet by the Sadhu Baba. The armlet must not be put off from Mangol’s body. If it is put off and one snake bites him meanwhile, from the next full moon, Mangol will be in trouble.
The snake-charmer follows the prescription. Mangol grows by drinking venom everyday. The young Mangol falls in love with Lachi, a beautiful neighbouring girl. The grandson of the head of the snake-charmers, Sheru also loves Lachi and wants to marry Lachi. He sends some thugs to kill Mangol. Mangol defeats them. But while fighting, his armlet was put off. And at that time the Kalnagini keeps her promise by biting Mangol.
In the next full moon night, there was a change within Mangol. He hears a woman singing in the North Hill and he runs after to that sound. He forgets Lachi, his father and his background. He meets the woman. The woman says she was looking for him for a long time and he is her man. Spellbound Mangol could not respond affirmatively and sleeps down there. Sheru followed Mangol, again to kill him, but after seeing Mangol with another woman in the hill he comes back. He tells everything to Lachi.
Lachi follows Mangol in the next full moon. She also finds spellbound Mangol with a woman singing and dancing in the hill. Mangol could not even recognize Lachi. Rather he comes nearer to Lachi to bite her. At that point, Sheru’s people attacked Mangol. While fighting Mangol bites one of Sheru’s men and the man died immediately. Sheru circulates Mangol is not a man, rather a snake.
This creates existential crisis within Mangol. He expresses to his father that in the full-moon night he forgets everything. He wishes to bite someone or twist someone with his body. Father understands the practice of 12 years is now in vein. He rushes to Sadhu Baba again. He came to know, after one full-moon, Mangol will transform totally into a snake. He needs to go to snake kingdom and must have a boon from the snake king to get rid of it. But it is almost an impossible task.
Mangol starts to make the impossible a possible. In the way he was attacked by a mongoose. The mongoose was sent by Sheru. Mangol was defeated and severely injured. He was survived by the nursing of Chandramoni, the woman singer in the North Hill. Chandramoni is the daughter of a cobra. From the boon of the King Cobra, she can transform herself into human being. She is happy that Mangol is going to be transformed into a cobra very soon and that will help her to get Mangol as the life partner. But Mangol is still a man and he loves Lachi. He requests Chandra to sacrifice and to help him to reach to the snake kingdom. Chandra not only helps him to reach to the snake kingdom to meet the King Cobra, she also danced devotedly in front of the statue of the king to come along. The King Cobra arrives and gives boon to Mangol to remain as a human being.
Back in the village, Sheru forcibly was marrying Lachi. But Mangol reaches there in time. Sheru cries, kill Mangol, he is a snake. But Mangol claims he is now free from venom. He bites on the neck of Lachi and proves he has got a fresh life as human being. The news reaches to Kalnagini. She rushes to bite Mangol. But Chandramoni defeats Kalnagini. Chandramoni sacrifices and Lachi gets Mangol back, now as husband.  
The complex storyline of the film is good enough to attract audience. But it could not add anything to the snake cinema formula set in Bangladeshi film industry in 1980s. The only specialty of the film was the existential crisis of Mangol which was portrayed in the film with care. The song numbers of the film were very popular. The background music by Alam Khan was also fascinating. For a fantasy film, the use of special effect was very poor here. The director of the film Masud Parvez is basically known for making films of action and martial art genre. But the high popularity of snake fantasies in 1980s inspired him to make a snake cinema which was also starred by him (as Mangol and with different name, Sohel Rana). The most interesting part is being a Satyajit Ray-cast actress Babita (internationally famous for Distant Thunder, 1973 by Ray), played the role of Lachi. Leading stars and directors were attracted to snake cinema in 1980s though it is no more popular now. The reason behind the presence of snake in film and other art form in Bangladesh is the myth and environment of ancient Bengal. Once, Bengal was mostly a land of jungle and swamp, so snake was an important character to be concerned about. Moreover since the ancient period, non-Aryan deities like Manasa was more worshipped than Aryan gods in Bengal. Manasa was a Devi of snake. From the middle age, people of East Bengal, now Bangladesh, gradually have turned into Muslims, but in their popular psyche, snake remained an important character as before.                    

Friday, September 21, 2012

‘I am assertively hearing footsteps of a change’

Fahmidul Haq, associate professor of mass communication and journalism at the University of Dhaka who has authored several books on the country's mainstream and digital cinema, is hopeful about positive changes to Bangladesh’s film industry. AKM Atikuzzaman writes

How do you relate the state of movie theatres with the sorry state of the country's cine culture?
Cinema halls are an integral part of cine culture so much so that without the former the latter will disappear. Watching in small screens or discussing movies might continue, yet diminished would be the cine culture in its proper sense. Absence of halls in a country would even bring its production of films to an end, although we might keep watching foreign movies in small screens.

If we are to say that Bangladeshi cinema is in a crisis, its solution should be designed centring the cinema halls. Bangladesh is the lone country in South Asia where no reform has yet been initiated regarding cinema halls. In India, Pakistan and Nepal, the theatres were appropriated along the demands of new time and new technology to facilitate a cine culture afresh, by dint of national policy and with government initiation. The policy includes promoting cineplex culture, digitalisation and renovation of halls, and help establishing new halls. The government provided incentives in tax, utility services even in lands. Our government has lately perceived some of the issues and placed the industry to its focal point. For instance, cinema is announced an industry, and allowed budget tax holiday for construction of cinema halls and cineplex.

Our leading crisis is that the cinema halls are disappearing one after another. If we cannot save those halls and construct new ones, Bangladeshi cinema will be abolished one day.

The countries you exemplified went to digitalisation upon government policies while in Bangladesh a private sector enterprise, namely Jaaz Multimedia, has taken the lead, without any government policy.
I came to learn from some policymakers that the government is not prepared to make the infrastructure; rather it is interested to ensure policy supports. Therefore, we should welcome those who are coming forward from the private sector with infrastructure development scheme. We should wait and see what they can accomplish.

How do you evaluate the particulars of the Jaaz initiative, as a section of producers and exhibitors observe the virtual print fee and Tk 3 per ticket charge as introduction of new taxation? This is when different government taxes, among others, are already blamed for the downfall of theatres. 
Tk 3 per ticket is definitely a big amount since a producer gets on an average Tk 6 per ticket. Well, we do welcome their initiative but the government should oversee the details and should check that no initiative becomes a monopoly. If one entrepreneur takes the responsibility of digitalisation of a large number of halls, it can create scopes for profit maximisation through monopoly. Similarly other entrepreneurs should come to the market with other options, ensuring a healthy competition.

However, many of you have advocated that audience interest do not depend on formats, while the overall environment and a better movie are of significance. What size of the audience may turn to the screens following digitalisation?  
It is a matter of concern. Renovation is not a matter of sound and image alone, it involves improvement of environment, seating arrangement and other facilities. If the entrepreneur only facilitates digital technologies, leaving unaddressed other issues, its fate will become uncertain. Yet I have doubts about creativity and merit of the persons related to the industry. I am not so much confident on them. For instance, Bhalobashar Rong, the digital film set to be released in halls shortly, is directed by Shaheen-Sumon. They are making films in Bangladesh Film Development Corporation (BFDC) for many years. Some of those might do business, but we cannot remember any name of a breakthrough film from them. Therefore there is a reason to doubt the ‘brightness’ of Bhalobashar Rong. Sharpness of image and sound alone cannot bring change, film’s content, insight, depth of social understanding, even the ability to entertain are matters of concern.

I am rather hopeful on the new generation of young directors who are making digital movies exploiting smart technology and low budget. Some of the films might become hits; some might stir the psyche of a large audience. Only one movie can lead a breakthrough; or some big hits in a row can do the job. I am assertively hearing footsteps of a change.

Besides films from BFDC, we did not face a scarcity of the so-called ‘good films’ from television channels or independent makers, which could not revive the industry at bringing the audiences back to the halls. How then are you so hopeful about a change? 
At this point in time, we need some ‘middle cinema’ which will accommodate plenty of popular and commercial attractions as well as a kind of social awareness so that the movies cannot be overlooked as poor entertainment. I want to put a good number of recent titles from Kolkata and Bollywood in this category. By the way, with regards to renovating cinema halls and drawing audiences to screens, I support even importing foreign films including Indian ones, Hindi blockbusters to be more specific. The reason of ban is not valid now while the protected market could not provide us with good movies. However, I am not in favour of completely free market; I support limited protection.

Besides the reality of protection, it is blamed that the industry has been ignored for decades in the policy level, burdened with expired machines, lack of meaningful training or education. Why would it not fail?
That we were rich in terms of infrastructure is not true. Amidst that reality we got many good movies in the past. Due to different internal and external factors the market dropped suddenly. Foreign movies should run side by side with the local productions; otherwise the communication will be hampered. It is also a right of the audience that they get the opportunity to watch different kinds of movies in the big screen.

Besides the reality of protection, it is blamed that the industry has been ignored for decades in the policy level, burdened with expired machines, lack of meaningful training or education. Why would it not fail?
That we were rich in terms of infrastructure is not true. Amidst that reality we got many good movies in the past. Due to different internal and external factors the market dropped suddenly. Foreign movies should run side by side with the local productions; otherwise the communication will be hampered. It is also a right of the audience that they get the opportunity to watch different kinds of movies in the big screen.
First published in New Age XTRA, 21 September, 2012

Monday, May 7, 2012

Social Media: The Debate on Freedom and Responsibility

Defining social media Social media is a web-based platform where people share information, thoughts and activities. Social media has overtaken pornography as the number one activity on the web. According to Wikipedia, social media includes web-based and mobile technologies used to turn communication into interactive dialogue (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_media). The term Web 2.0 is associated with web applications that facilitate participatory information sharing, interoperability, user-centred design, and collaboration on the World Wide Web (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Web_2.0). Examples of Web 2.0 include social networking sites, blogs, wikis, video sharing sites, hosted services and web applications. The news site, Indymedia was formed after the anti-WTO movement started in Seattle in 1999. Later the news site opened 120 branch sites from Boston to Bombay (Beckerman, 2003). The reporter-activists of Indymedia do not believe in objectivity. They believe that no journalism is without bias and the mainstream claims neutrality to mask these biases. If the Seattle incident gave birth to Indymedia, 9/11 popularised the blog. The Iraq War increased the number of bloggers. This proves that bloggers want to express their opinions of major global incidents, and in many cases they provide instant information regarding the incidents. Thus, they play the role of citizen journalists and respond on behalf of humanity and to the greater causes of majority people. According to the blog search engine Technorati, there were 133 million blogs from 2002 to 2008. Every hour, 0.9 million blogs are posted in cyberspace (www.technorati.com/blogging/state-of-blogosphere/). Though not all, but a significant number of blogs are run by strong activists. Several bloggers around the globe have been arrested for writing against repressive governments. And recently, social networking sites like Facebook, Twitter and YouTube have been added in the row. Though these sites were introduced to offer casual friendship, they were used as key components in the contemporary Arab Spring. The social networking site, Facebook was introduced in 2004. Just six years after its inception, the number of Facebook users crossed 500 million (now 800 million). It has become the third biggest 'country' in the world (Fletcher, 2010). The case of Arab Spring The inventors of Facebook or Twitter, perhaps, never thought that their 'non-political' networking sites would be used to bring political change in several countries. The forum of casual friendship turned into a platform of protesters. It is peoples' creativity by which they picked up these sites as the platform of sharing opinion, designing programme, and updating and broadcasting the movement for ousting the repressive regimes in North Africa and the Middle East. This movement of establishing democratic rights is now known as Arab Spring. The Arab Spring may be contaminated by the involvement of foreign imperialist forces meanwhile, but the eagerness of the Middle Eastern people for democracy is very much significant in contemporary global political history. The movement started when a young vegetable merchant Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of a municipal building in protest of unemployment and corruption of the Tunisian government. Bouazizi's self-immolation was one of several stories told and retold on Facebook, Twitter and YouTube in ways that inspired dissidents to organise protests, criticise their governments, and spread ideas about democracy (Howard, 2011). After analysing more than 3 million tweets and gigabytes of YouTube content and thousands of blog posts, an University of Washington study finds that social media played a central role in shaping political debates in the Arab Spring. Focused mainly on Tunisia and Egypt and led by Philip Howard (Howard, 2011), the study shows that the social media was used heavily by a key demographic group in the revolution -- young, urban, relatively well-educated individuals, many of whom were women. Bloggers also used the internet to publish information critical of the governments in Egypt and Tunisia. The activists used social media to connect with others outside their countries. They picked up followers in other countries, where similar democratic protests would later erupt. The report says: We find that there were over 2,200 tweets from Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Morocco, and Yemen about Ben Ali's resignation on the day he stepped aside. Over the course of a week before Mubarak's resignation, the total rate of tweets from Egypt -- and around the world -- about political change in that country ballooned from 2,300 a day to 230,000 a day. Interestingly, the relative contribution of people not living in the region diminished significantly over this period. On the day Mubarak left office, February 11, there were more than 225,000 Tweets outside the country that spread the news of his departure. In the two weeks after Mubarak's resignation, there were an average of 3,400 tweets a day about the political crisis in Egypt by people living in neighboring countries. (Howard, 2011). The report also says evidence suggests that online conversations played an integral part in the revolutions that toppled governments in Egypt and Tunisia. We find that conversations about liberty, democracy, and revolution on blogs and on Twitter often immediately preceded mass protests. In Tunisia, for example, 20% of blogs were evaluating Ben Ali's leadership on the day he resigned from office (January 14), up from just 5% the month before. Subsequently, the primary topic for Tunisian blogs was “revolution” until a public rally of at least 100,000 people took place and eventually forced the old regime's remaining leaders to relinquish power (Howard, 2011). However, social media was not used in the same manner and intensity in every country. A Guardian report says, if Twitter had negligible influence on events in Tunisia, the same could not be said for Egypt. A far more mature and extensive social media environment played a crucial role in organising the uprising against Mubarak, whose government responded by ordering mobile service providers to send text messages rallying his supporters (Beaumont, 2011). In Egypt, details of demonstrations were circulated by both Facebook and Twitter and the activists' 12-page guide to confronting the regime was distributed by email. In Tunisia, there was an attempt to block Facebook and other social media sites; bloggers and others who used social media to spread critical news about the government were arrested. In Egypt also, the government attempted to shut down internet and cell phone network. But the movement went on. The Guardian report says, the Mubarak regime -- like Ben Ali's before it -- pulled the plug on the country's internet services and 3G network. What social media was replaced by then -- oddly enough -- was the analogue equivalent of Twitter: handheld signs held aloft at demonstrations saying where and when people should gather the next day (Beaumont, 2011). Bangladesh experience Bangladesh is a country with low Internet penetration although a big online community is gradually developing. Bangladesh does not have any autocratic regime like the countries in the Middle East. However, the democratic government sometimes acts in a non-democratic manner; also, the country suffers from several socio-economic problems. In many cases, the online community here responds proactively to the socio-economic and political issues. The online community that comprises 'Facebookians' and bloggers regularly serve news and analyses contemporary issues. In that way, they perform citizen journalism. The bloggers and Facebookians regularly criticise the government for their failures. Though they stay in a virtual world, they try to channel the issue in discursive form from virtual world to real world and vice versa. Their attempt to uphold modern and progressive thoughts and their move for democratising the society for equal rights can be mentioned here. Very recently, the issue of cyber crime has come forward and the discussion of introducing cyber law has made online users skeptical about an attempt to control the community. However, one example of citizen journalism in the Bangla blog community was reporting on the BDR tragedy just after it began. Blogger 'Onrino' from Somewherein...blog reported only in one sentence from the area nearby the incident at 10:08 am, on February 25, 2009 -- “Since the morning, exchange of fire is heard inside BDR”. The title of the post was “Soldier mutiny in the BDR, massive fire inside”. This was perhaps, the first report in any kind of media on the incident. The one-sentence post created enormous curiosity among other bloggers. They started asking the reporter to elaborate on the information or update the news. As time passed, other bloggers came with news, views and analyses on the issue and the incident became one of the most discussed issues in the blog community. Like BDR mutiny, the online community of Bangladesh has responded to every significant event in the country. These include border killings by BSF, the war crimes tribunal, Roopganj housing project by Bangladesh Army, destruction of Baul sculpture in front of the airport, the killing of a journalist couple, the Persona case and so on. These responses, in most of the cases, stand for humanity, democracy and the rights of people and against the repression of the powerful. Implementing cyber law? Whether it is Arab Spring in the Middle East and Africa, the Occupy Movement in the West or the social media activity in Bangladesh -- people in power see it as a potential threat to their throne. In recent times, throughout the world, an attempt has been taken to curb this virtual public sphere. The United States tried to implement acts like SOPA (Stop Online Piracy Act), PIPA (Protect Intellectual Property Act) and ACTA (Anti-counterfeiting Trade Agreement) which is considered by the online users as measures to censor the web. Three little words wound up citizens, internet users and a handful of senators into action, waging a war against the United States Congress and a number of discontented barons of the entertainment industry. Wikipedia blacked out in protest for a day. India is saying they want to control the social media the way it is done in China. In Bangladesh, the concern of obscenity has been raised against bloggers and thus the issue of introducing cyber law has been put forward by a minister. Recently, a public university teacher living abroad faced legal charges for his Facebook status. A blogger was arrested for organising a protest rally in support of the movement against the rise of tuition fees in a public university. However, there is a talking point of it -- cyber crime. The online users are not responsible enough. Abuse by libel, harassment by photo morphing or video clip uploading are frequently seen in cyberspace. Businesspeople are concerned about piracy online -- the popular practice of uploading or downloading free materials. It is very true that many social media users do not act with responsibility. In many cases they use fake identities to humiliate others. Yet stopping them by implementing new laws is not a good idea;in fact, it is impossible. The virtual world does not exist in a particular geographical area. Shutting down the internet itself could be the only way to do that. But it would be an absurd step to take when using internet has become a component of modern living. Introducing new laws could boomerang to the government. Moreover, any step taken against activity on the web has been done by existing laws. To reduce online abuse, the government and parties concerned can campaign and beg the users to respect others' rights. Conclusion The significant side of the social media in cyberspace is the interaction among its users. For the first time in the history of mankind, the flow of information is two-way and the traditional relationship between sender and receiver has been altered. At the ideological level, interactivity has been one of the key 'value added' characteristics of new media. Where 'old' media offered passive consumption, new media offer interactivity (Lister et al, 2009: 21). The new media based on the cyberspace is free -- no gatekeeper is going to edit one's opinion. The interactivity offers a discussion to be carried in a discursive manner, thus a kind of public sphere has been created, though virtually. This alternative media is relatively cheaper, can transcend borders and break conventional relations between the sender and the receiver. The blog and the social media have opened platforms to discuss on issues and organise programmes. The only problem is the elite nature of the users of the internet. The internet users are urban, relatively well-educated and from the middle class. The more it crosses the boundaries of class, the more it could be used for the betterment of humanity. References Beckerman, G. (2003). Emerging Alternatives: Edging Away from Anarchy, CJR. September/October 2003. Fletcher, D. (2010). Facebook: Friends without Border, Time. Vol. 175, no. 21. Lister, M. et al (2009). New Media: A Critical Introduction. London: Routledge. Beaumont , P. (2011). The truth about Twitter, Facebook and the uprisings in the Arab world. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/feb/25/twitter-facebook-uprisings-arab-libya, Accessed on 18 November, 2011. Howard, P. N. (2011). Opening Closed Regimes: What Was the Role of Social Media During the Arab Spring?. http://dl.dropbox.com/u/12947477/reports/pITPI_datamemo_2011.pdf. Accessed on 18 November, 2011. http://technorati.com/blogging/state-of-the-blogosphere/. Accessed on 15 October, 2009. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_mediaAccessed on 23 April, 2012. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Web_2.0. Accessed on 23 April, 2012. The Article was published in 'Forum', The Daily Star in May 2012 (Vol 6, Issue 5).

Wednesday, February 1, 2012

The Role of Media in Creating Consumer Culture in Bangladesh

The neo-liberal and free market economic system and deregulated media situation have ensured introduction of numerous commercial media outlets in Bangladesh. These entire media world are dedicated to create and to enhance consumer culture in the country. They are engaged in selling audience to the advertisers. This article will critically analyse how the media sell the audience to the advertisers. The theoretical aspect the political economy of communication would be instructive here in the critical engagement and case studies would be the method to investigate the role of media in creating consumer culture in Bangladesh. The areas of investigation in the article would be some cases selected from the newspapers, private television channels and FM commercial radios.


Media Sells Audience
In course of time, the idea of audience had shifted from mass to market. As the media have become bigger business, the term ‘market’ has gained in currency (McQuail, 2005). Media usually sells the market or this set of consumers to the advertisers. Denis McQuail defined audience as an ‘aggregate of actual or potential consumers of media services and products, with a known social-economic profile’ (McQuail, 2005: 399). In recent times audience is treated by media not as a group of public, rather a set of consumers.

Dallas Smythe argues that the audiences give their free time to watch media, with this labour then packaged and sold by the media to advertisers as a new kind of ‘commodity’ (Smythe, 1977 cited in McQuil, 2005: 401). Smythe suggested the commodification process brought together a triad that linked media, the audiences, and advertisers in a set of binding reciprocal relationships. Mass media programming is used to construct audiences; advertisers pay media companies for access to these audiences; audiences are thereby delivered to advertisers (Smythe, 1977 cited in Mosco, 1996: 148).

Like Dallas Smythe, Sut Jhally (1990) also says media is created to sell audience to the advertisers and to create consumer culture in the society. According to him, almost the entire media system (television and print) has been developed as a delivery system for marketers. Its prime function is to produce audiences for sale to advertisers. Both the advertisements it carries, as well as the editorial matter that acts as a support for it, celebrate the consumer society. According to Jhally, today, in the United States alone, over $175 billion a year is spent to sell us things (Jhally, 1990).

Taking theoretical notions provided by McQuail, Smythe and Jhally in consideration, it can be summarized that media primarily treat audience as consumer to be sold to the advertisers. In the times of ‘late capitalism’, media of Bangladesh also sell audience to the advertisers in disguise of delivering news and opinion. The following section of the article will discuss on the proposition by analyzing few cases.

Bangladeshi Media Creates Consumer Culture
Salim Reza Newton (Newton, 2003) has mentioned five functions of mainstream media of Bangladesh. The functions, as he describes those as ‘programmes’, are as follow:
1. To protect the interests of capital, profit and business of the mother company;
2. To protect the interests of the private sector or business sector of the country, in general;
3. To create a socio-cultural environment in the favour of local and foreign corporate capital, or to create a US-style consumer community;
4. To play a role in keeping a business friendly political ‘stability’, which means to try to establish effectively a West-style two-party ‘democratic’ system and to take an independent position by not being connected to any political party;
5. To create a ‘civil society’ comprising social, cultural and private sector elites, in absence of a strong bourgeois class, as a parallel force to the political parties, and to keep the leadership of that civil society at the hand of media itself as the representative of the business class (Newton, 2003: 31-32).


Newton clearly identifies at least two roles of media in Bangladesh which are relevant to our discussion – one, it is engaged in creating a consumer culture in the country and two, it tries to depoliticize people. This depoliticizing is very important to create consumer culture itself and to develop a persistent capitalist system as Robert W. McChesney says, a capitalist society works most efficiently when the bulk of the population is demoralized and effectively depoliticized (McChesney, 2001: 17). The manifestations of consumer culture and depoliticization are evident through advertising. Advertising is not mere a survival factor of media, it also create a purchase habit. Sut Jhally argues, the right question would ask about the cultural role of advertising, not its marketing role (Jhally, 1990). He extends his idea:
Culture is the place and space where a society tells stories about itself, where values are articulated and expressed, where notions of good and evil, of morality and immorality, are defined. In our culture it is the stories of advertising that dominate the spaces that mediate this function (Jhally, 1990).

I shall elaborate the idea of the media’s role in creating consumer culture in Bangladesh now by discussing few cases.

What is happening in the prime time news of commercial television channels in Bangladesh is unprecedented in the world. In the name of corporate branding, every slot of the news hours is sold to the advertisers. News is something that is served before, after or middle of the advertisement.

On 12 May, 2011 at the news of ATN Bangla at 7 pm, it started with ‘United Commercial Bank (UCB) headlines’. Just after immediate ‘UCB Headlines’ there was a slot for telecom company ‘Rabi’ for 5 seconds. Then the lead news started. The news at 7 had also had also ‘General Pharmaceutical Break’. It had ‘Popular Pharmaceutical International News’ and ‘Partex Sports News’. While broadcasting the news, at the bottom of the screen, there was news scroll also which was sponsored by ‘National Bank’. These examples prove that the news hour of ATN Bangla is wrapped and surrounded by commercials.

On 3 September, 2009, at the prime time news at 10:30 of National Television (NTV), the time span of 47 minutes news was occupied by advertisement of 20 minutes. Almost half of the time (43% of the news hour) was sold to the advertisers. But other than commercial breaks, the news hour was also wrapped by advertisements. The title of news titles was ‘Purbachal American City Title’ and the title of Business news was ‘Pioneer Insurance Business News’.

On the same day, in Channel I, there was ‘Eastern Bank Break’. It had also ‘Citycell News Title’, ‘Green Delta Insurance Business News’, ‘National Bank Financial News’, ‘Anondo Alo Cultural News’. And in the ‘Green Delta Insurance Business News’, that day, one news was about the monthly meeting of ‘Premier Bank’ and another was regarding a raffle draw at ‘Agora’ chain shop. These two items did not have minimum news value and basically the promotional news managed by public relations departments of the companies.

The dailies like Prothom Alo and The Daily Star are in the leading role to offer the culture of purchasing and they have a craft of doing it in a subtle way. As a part of that they manage few events that create a positive impression towards them. They organize language contest and mathematics festival which are named as ‘HSBC Language Contest’ and ‘Dutch-Bangla Bank Mathematics Festival’. They regularly give enough space in the newspaper for these long termed competitions every year. On the other hand, the entire business pages of these newspapers are used for promotional news of different corporate companies. If we look at table 1, we will see most of the advertorials are published in page 15, which is basically the business page of Prothom Alo. All other newspapers are just trying to follow the methods of developing symbiotic relationship with the advertisers that is initiated by Prothom Alo.

Product placement is regularly seen in the commercial FM channels in Bangladesh. The Radio Jockeys (RJ) frequently announce the recent offers of the telecom companies before or after playing songs. They never forget to include the names of the sponsors in their programme texts. In the time of Ramadan, there was Iftar Reporting in Radio Amar in 2009. On 23 October, 2009 the reporter was visiting a public place and was reporting live just before the Iftar. The reporter was describing the Iftar menu of the fasting people and he was mentioning the name of the mango juice ‘Fruto’ with emphasis. He also said he had taken Fruto as his drinks and even was asking the RJ at station whether he would keep Fruto for the RJ or not. Not to mention that, the sponsor of the live report was Fruto.

Conclusion
The neo-liberal and free market economic system and deregulated media situation have ensured introducing a good number of commercial media outlets in Bangladesh. These entire media world are dedicated to create and to enhance consumer culture in the country. They sell audience to the advertisers but in an indecent way. People’s right to watch uninterrupted or minimally interrupted programme is barely reserved. A comprehensive media policy by limiting the presence of advertisement, advertorials and product placement can improve the situation. But still commercial media will continue selling audience and it will be used for creating consumer culture.

Reference
McQuil, D. (2005). McQuil’s Mass Communication Theory (5th edn). London: Sage.
Jhally, S. (1990). Advertisement at the Edge of Apocalypse. Retrieved on 20 October, 2009 from http://www.sutjhally.com/articles/advertisingattheed/.
Mosco, V. (1996). The Political Economy of Communication. London: Sage.
Newton, S. R. (2003). The Political Economy of Print Media in Bangladesh (in Bangla). Jogajog (Communication). vol 5.
McChesney, R. W. (2001). The Political Economy of Global Communication. In McChesney, R. W. et al (ed.). Capitalism and the Information Age: The Political Economy of the Global Communication Revolution, p. 1-27. Calcutta: Cornerstone Publications.
Edgar, P and Rahim, S A (1983). Communication Policy in Developed Countries. London: Keagan Paul.
Herman, E. S. and Chomsky, N. (2002). Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon.

This is a short version of the original article. For the full article see Media Asia, Volume 38 Number 4 (2011).

Saturday, January 14, 2012

Telecommunication sector under threat

The latest news in the telecom sector is "International Terrestrial Cable (ITC) license holders will be allowed/issued International Internet Gateway (IIG) license by default." The ITC license holders have already had meetings with the Ministry of Post and Telecommunication (MoPT) and Bangladesh Telecommunication and Regulatory Commission (BTRC) on the matter.

The reason they have shown in issuance of IIG license in their favour is that, as Bangladesh Telecommunication Company Limited (BTCL) and Mango Teleservices Limited (Mango) are holding both IIG and ITC licenses, if they are not given IIG license then they don't have any valid business case with ITC license only. One may be surprised to know that MoPT and BTRC may be considering such a request.

Issuance of the IIG license to ITC license holders would clearly cause procedural and legal difficulties for which the government/BTRC could come under questioning. If ITC license holders are of the opinion that BTCL and Mango are a threat to their business and they don't have any valid business case with ITC license only, then we may conclude that these five ITC license holders have submitted incorrect/wrong business documents/

feasibility reports without assessing their business risk factors; or they don't have any clear idea regarding ITC business; or BTRC/MoPT have failed to assess bidders properly and awarded these license wrongly. Before bidding, these ITC license holders knew that BTCL as an incumbent would be allowed one ITC license by MoPT/BTRC and Mango, as a prospective bidder for ITC license and as per the ILTDS Policy-2010, would also be awarded ITC license.

If the decision is taken to give IIG licence to ITC license holders, the telecom sector will face a lot of difficulties.

Since the independence of Bangladesh, the governments and the regulator have never entertained any such unjustified request of any license holder or acted with the policy "one type of license is free if you are awarded another type of license." Thus, it would be unwise for MoPT/BTRC to consider dependency of one license on the other license (i.e. ITC license impact on IIG license or vice versa). Issuance of IIG license to these ITC license holders would just create a very bad precedence.

The application for BWA/WiMax license by Mango Teleservices Limited is under processing by MOPT/BTRC. Mango is holding IIG & ITC license too. Thus, if the ITC license holders are awarded IIG license, then existing BWA/WiMax License holders, i.e. BanglaLion and Augure (Qubee), may also claim IIG and ITC license by default from the MoPT/BTRC. In addition, Mango Teleservices Limited and the two other ITC license holders would also claim for NTTN License by default from MOPT/BTRC, as Summit Communication Ltd. and Fiber@Home are currently holding NTTN and ITC license.

If the existing five ITC license holders are awarded IIG license by the MOPT/BTRC, then the other prospective bidders for IIG License may go to court for third-party remedial measures. It would just stop the whole procedure for the issuance of these licenses.

Issuance of IIG license to the existing ITC license holders would also create a monopoly business environment, because of which the subscribers would suffer at the end of the day. It is now clear that these five ITC license holders have already made a consortium and are asking for undue favour from the MoPT/BTRC. They would also work as a consortium regarding tariff. But we have seen that the subscribers never get benefit from such business consortiums.

Issuance of unjustified IIG license and/or any other license (IGW, ICX, WiMax, etc) would just promote illegal business activities by those operators as there would be no valid legal business case. We may refer PSTN business case in this regard.

Issuance of IIG, IGW, ICX, ITC, NTTN, WiMax license to the existing license holders would be a clear violation of the spirit of the original ILTDS Policy (ref ILTDS Policy 2007), which encourages democratic participation in telecom sector and discourages monopoly. This would create an unhealthy business environment, because of which the whole telecommunication sector would suffer.

These five ITC license holders, in addition to the IIG license, have also applied for IGW, ICX licenses. Now, if they are awarded IGW and ICX license, then the existing IGW License holders (BanglaTrac Telecommunication, NovoTel & Mir Telecommunication) and ICX License holders (Getco Telecommunication & M&H Telecommunication) could also ask for IIG licenses. Which, in turn, would promote more monopoly business environment and no new entrepreneur would be allowed to enter this sector.

MoPT/BTRC should not, under any circumstances, promote any entity for doing monopoly business, or do anything that is not in line with their policy.


First Published: The Daily Star, 14 Jan, 2012

Wednesday, May 11, 2011

Cinema as the Work of Art in the Age of Digital Reproduction

Benjamin, Aura and Digital Reproduction
In his ground breaking article entitled 'The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction' Walter Benjamin (Benjamin, 1936) depicted how mechanical reproduction has changed the nature of production and consumption of art work. The most important thing is that the work of art has lost its aura. Aura is indicative of art's traditional association with primitive, feudal, or bourgeois structures of power. For the case of painting, there is always an original one, hanging in a museum or in the house of an elite person. One's claim of seeing Monalisa is not complete until he or she goes to the Louvre and sees the original work of art. But in the case of press, photography or film, one cannot differentiate between the copied one and the master. In the age of reproduction, the work of art loses the aura of originality. Benjamin (Benjamin, 1936) says the technique of reproduction detaches the reproduced object from the domain of tradition. By making many reproductions it substitutes a plurality of copies for a unique existence. Even the printed copy of Monalisa can be found in front of the Louvre which contributes, to some extent, to the loss of aura. According to Robert Kolker (Kolker, 1999), Benjamin, unlike most of his Frankfurt School associates, did not look at this loss of aura with alarm. Rather, he thought about the growth of popular culture as something to be understood not as an oppressive reality, but as a potentially liberating one. The mechanical reproduction system could democratis e art. One who has a still camera can be a creator of a work of art.

Robert Kolker says nothing is so entirely without aura as digital (Kolker 1999: 71). There is no distinction now between 'original' and 'reproduction' in virtually any medium based in film, electronics or telecommunications. Douglas Davis (Davis, undated) says the fictions of 'master' and 'copy' are now so entwined with each other that it is impossible to say where one begins and the other ends, resembling lovers folded together in ecstasy. Any video, audio, or photographic work of art can be endlessly reproduced, without degradation, always the same and always perfect. Digital bytes, with the presence or absence of signals (1 or 0), have created the option of enormous numbers of replication with the same quality of the primary creation. A digital file can be copied from one disk to another storage device and can be released or uploaded in the Internet.

Walter Benjamin says:
The contemporary decay of the aura rests on two circumstances, both of which are related to the increasing significance of the masses in contemporary life. Namely, the desire of contemporary masses to bring things “closer” spatially and humanly, which is just as ardent as their bent toward overcoming the uniqueness of every reality by accepting its reproduction. Every day the urge grows stronger to get hold of an object at very close range by way of its likeness, its reproduction (Benjamin, 1936).

Benjamin mentions 'the desire of contemporary masses to bring things closer spatially and humanly', and this desire works in the same way among new and young filmmakers of Bangladesh and other Third World countries to make films from a mass level. The digital film offers making diversified patterns of films -- short or full length, feature or documentary or animation, shot in HDV or on mobile phone, distributed in mainstream theatres or as flash streams on the internet.

Though Benjamin mentioned film as a mode of mechanical reproduction, 35mm film had a certain aura. Especially the production management, huge expense and business and projection state of 35 mm film had the impression of a gigantic task. Anybody who wanted to be a filmmaker, saw its gigantic impression as a hindrance. But the digital film has come to lessen the aura of film. It has created an opportunity for everybody to be a filmmaker. Benjamin's implied idea of welcoming democratisation of art medium has appeared in a truer sense. Not only the production expense or easy management, even the size of digital camera is much smaller than a 35mm camera.

The debate is still going on over whether digital video camera can achieve the quality and aesthetics as of 35mm film. Several directors -- including James Cameron, David Fincher, George Lucas, David Lynch, Robert Rodriguez and Lars von Trier -- have claimed that celluloid film is dead and that future filmmaking will be an all-digital medium. Yet other directors -- including Tim Burton, Martin Scorsese, Ridley Scott, Oliver Stone and Quentin Tarantino -- have said that they will continue to shoot on film (Barsam, 2007: 368). But the advent of HD (High Definition) or HDV (High-end Digital Video) camera have reached the quality of 35 mm film. Moreover, digital filmmaking offers the option of less expense and time, easy management and more creative control of the director over his/her film. Throughout the world, shooting film in digital format is gaining increasing popularity among makers who want to represent the reality in the film instead of entertainment.

According to Xeni Jardin (Jardin, 2005 cited in Barsam, 2007: 369), digital filmmaking has some advantages in comparison with 35 mm film -- aesthetic and cost advantages.

Holly Willis says, countless pessimists have bemoaned the passing of 'real' film, while as many champions of digital video had heralded the advent of a new democratised form of filmmaking, one that will release us from the tyranny of the Hollywood film industry and the pitfall of the massive consolidation of media within a few transnational corporations (Willis, 2005: 1).The democratic nature of digital film allows more people to be filmmakers. This is especially important in a country like Bangladesh where many talented people want to make films, but the high cost of 35 mm film does not permit it. The low cost and easy management of digital cinema offer new makers a way to start making film and thus changes the cine-scenario of the country.

In big studios, digital cinema is the vehicle of making movies more spectacular and glossy, but in the Third World countries it is considered the new medium for new cinema. This study tends to investigate the potential, trends and problems of digital cinema of Bangladesh. In Bangladesh it remains in its primary phase, however, new filmmakers are proponents of digital cinema. Some senior independent filmmakers have also engaged themselves in making cinema in digital format while some mainstream filmmakers are also showing interest making film in this format.

Bangladesh perspectives

Digital cinema of Bangladesh is only passing through its primary stage. And at this stage, the term 'digital cinema' has become two glamorous words in the cine-scenario of Bangladesh. But the term has created a lot of misnomers at the same time. The technological phenomenon sometimes has been described with wrong interpretations. Even the telefilms broadcast on television channels are sometimes called digital cinema or video fiction as some young makers, many of them from film society background and who dream of making 35 mm films, have tried to apply their film sense in their television productions. Again, the fashionable term is tagged with some ordinary productions made for television channels to enhance credit. Some productions are made in DV camera and transferred into 35 mm. Some productions are shot and edited in digital technology, not sold to television channels, but are never released in mainstream theatres. Others were shot and edited in digital technologies, released in mainstream theatres but not exhibited through professional digital technology. All these productions are called digital cinema in the context of Bangladesh.

Digital technology inspired the digital generation to make films. The government's decision to recognise digital cinema in 2010 has inspired more. The young people of the new generation are well oriented with digital technology. They have grown up digitally -- mobile phones, computers, Facebook. They are living in a visual world -- from billboards on the street to the computer screen at home. So they want to create visual image -- they want to be filmmakers. And the gap between the dream and reality is not very big, with many young people already having started their productions. They reveal their plans of making films on Facebook and on blogs, they collect cast and crew from the online community, they update their production process, release promos on YouTube and invite online friends to see the movie after release. These are going to be really all-digital productions -- pre-production, production, post-production, promotion -- everything is done digitally and with the help of online. If it is a very short film, it is released on YouTube for free. The director needs only the appreciation and criticism from his/her online friends.

The major problem of digital cinema in Bangladesh is its distribution and exhibition. Digital cinema can be distributed and projected in several ways. One is direct projection from the digitally enabled projectors from a hard drive or from similar other external drive. The other distribution systems are satellite systems, terrestrial broadband and the Internet. There is no ideal digitally enabled theatre in Bangladesh for direct projection, not even satellite, terrestrial broadband or the Internet systems for distributing digital cinema. Because of the absence of professional distribution channel and exhibition system, Tareque Masud transferred his digitally made film Ontorjatra (2006) into 35 mm. He went for non-theatrical alternative distribution with the help of film societies throughout the country for his next project, Runway (2010). Tokon Thaakoor made his film Blackout 2006 and has been waiting for five years for its professional release. Morshedul Islam exhibited his film Priotomeshu through an advanced multimedia projector 5000 Lumen. Nurul Alam Atique had to sell his film Dubshatar (2010) to Impress Telefilm because of absence of digitally enabled projection systems. Apekkha (2011) by Abu Sayeed was shown in mainstream theatres with the help of advanced multimedia technology.

However, projector rental is not a professional approach. Bangladesh needs digitally enabled professional cine theatres. This can be done in two ways -- one, digitising the existing theatres, two, establishing new theatres. The problem is, who will do it. The government can develop a digital cine theatre network. This can also be done by entrepreneurs. But until now, there is no sign of that. If the digitally enabled exhibiting theatres cannot be developed, the potentials of digital cinema, the expectations from new cinema will not materialise. Some other non-professional exhibitions, such as exhibition by the rented multimedia projector will be abandoned by the audience. Most of the audience has left the cine theatres decades ago. They prefer to watch movies at home on DVD players or on television. In the cinema hall, if they get the same image and sound as they watch at home, they will reject the so-called digital film. Audience want to see film in theatres, unconcerned about its format. So the projection system has to be improved in terms of in-depth image, surround sound in a comfortable theatre environment. But the utmost precondition is the quality of film. If the digital infrastructure is developed and a good number of quality films are produced every year, then digital cinema can bring a positive change in the declining cine scenario of Bangladesh.

References
Benjamin, W. (2008, originally 1936). The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction. In Badmington, N. and Thomas, J. (ed.). The Routledge Critical and Cultural Theory Reader, p. 34-56. Oxon: Routledge.
Kolker Robert. (1999). Film Form and Culture. Boston: McGraw-Hill College.
Davis, D. (undated). 'The Work of Art in the Age of Digital Reproduction: An Evolving Thesis/1991-1995'. http://cristine.org/borders/Davis_ Essay.html, undated, accessed on 30 April, 2010.
Barsam, R. (2007). Looking at Movies: An Introduction to Film (2nd ed.). New York: W. W. Norton and Company.
Allen, M. (2003). Contemporary US Cinema. Harlow: Longman.
Willis, H. (2005). New Digital Cinema: Reinventing the Moving Image. London: Wallflower Press.

First publish in The Daily Star: http://www.thedailystar.net/forum/2011/May/work.htm

Wednesday, March 16, 2011

New book on Digital Cinema in Bangladesh


This book tried to investigate the potentials, trends and challenges of digital film in Bangladesh. The study has studied four digital films as cases to understand the digital film situation in Bangladesh. However, the theoretical notions by Walter Benjamin (1936) and Samira Makhmalbaf (2000) were instructive in guiding this study. According to their approach, new technological art medium always liberate and democratize art forms. Enthusiasts indicate that new filmmakers will embrace digital film as the preferred format and create a new cinema tradition in Bangladesh. Responding to that euphoria of technological liberty, this study has examined the potentials of digital cinema in Bangladesh, the trends of existing digital filmmaking practices and problems of digital cinema in Bangladesh. After in-depth analysis and discussion, this study suggests how to progress digital filmmaking practices in Bangladesh.

Lists of Content

Preface
1. Introduction
Film is Dead, Long Live Cinema
Analog versus Digital Technology
Defining Digital Cinema
Origin and Development of Digital Cinema
Digital Intermediate
Distribution and Exhibition
2. The Work of Art in the Age of
Digital Reproduction
Work of Art in the Digital Age
3. Research Framework and Methodology
Exploratory Study
Qualitative Study
Measures: In-depth Interview and Case Studies
Interview Respondents
Selected Films for Case Studies
Limitations of the Study
4. A Historical Account and
Some Digital Productions
The Beginning
The Turn
Digital Mainstream Cinema
Future
Case 1: Ontorjatra
Case 2: Blackout
Case 3: Priotomeshu
Case 4: Dubshatar
5. Potentials, Trends and Problems
Potentials
Trends
Problems
6. Call for a New Cinema?
Digital Deployment in Bangladesh
Recommendations
References
Criticism of a Digital Film: Blackout

Friday, January 7, 2011

40 Years of Media Experiences in Bangladesh: A Critical Overview

As in other countries, journalism in Bangladesh, too, has experienced three phases. The first was initiated by the politicians, with the media being used as the voice of political parties or for serving political agendas though, for Bangladesh, it was serving the agendas of people also as the country was fighting for rights against West Pakistan central government in 1960s. With time, questions were raised against biased and political journalism and there was advocacy for objective and ethical journalism. Worldwide, behind the introduction of objective journalism, there was a contribution of journalism schools. Today is the age of corporate-owned journalism, a contemporary reality that is both global and local. There are differences in the objective and style of these three kinds of journalism.

Bangladesh as a nation turns 40 in 2011. In this article I will review the trends and developments of journalism in Bangladesh in the last four decades. I will also try to forecast here the trends of the news industry in the coming decade after which Bangladesh will be a 50-year-old nation.

The Ittefaq and Sangbad, two Bangla dailies established in the Pakistan era, are the last two representatives of the first phase of journalism (political journalism), though they can now be identified as doing journalism of the second phase (objective journalism). These two newspapers played historical roles in the different periods of the independence movement. Bangladesh Betar and Bangladesh Television were also involved in different historical moments of the nation. The existence of Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra was transient but it was a very unprecedented radical media during the Liberation War in 1971. Other than a few of these media, all print or broadcast outlets appeared in the last two decades. It is to be noted that these two decades are the age of globalisation based on the idea of a free market economy after the fall of communism. As a result, an influence of capitalist globalisation is felt in the media institutions. On the other hand, in the expanding capitalist activities driven by the globalisation process, media remained as part of that process. The existing media situation around the globe as well as in Bangladesh is both the cause and effect of globalisation.

The length of the second phase of (objective) journalism was short in Bangladesh, and this is the difference with the experiences of other countries. After independence, the necessity of political journalism came to an end, even though we saw it until the end of the 1980s. Ajker Kagoj was a prominent representative of objective journalism. The idea of objective journalism, as repeatedly taught in journalism schools, was reflected in Ajker Kagoj. The founding editor of the newspaper was a graduate from the journalism department at Dhaka University. Ajker Kagoj brought several changes in the journalism practices of the country. Besides objective and ethical journalism, the newspaper showed its inclination towards Bengali culture and decency in approach. The newspaper also provided neat printing quality with the help of the then modern desktop publishing and offset printing technology. A significant change was the participation of the intelligentsia and the readers in the daily. Other than staff editorial writers, intellectuals and even readers started writing in the middle page of the daily. All of them were tagged as columnists, and quickly a civil society started to take shape by writing in the middle page of Ajker Kagoj. Later, novelty in journalism was transferred into Bhorer Kagoj. But this short period of objective journalism disappeared after the advent of Prothom Alo in 1998.

Corporate journalism began with Prothom Alo (PA), with journalists who had come from Bhorer Kagoj. The ownership pattern of the daily compelled the same journalists to shift from objective towards corporate journalism. The leading English daily, The Daily Star (DS), established by SM Ali, was taken by Transcom Group, the owners of Prothom Alo which formed a media conglomeration. The PA-DS duo became influential dailies within a few years. Before them, Janakantha and Muktakantha appeared as corporate media outlets, but they could not influence the media industry. The journalism pattern set by PA-DS is followed by other media outlets of recent times. The question is, what is this pattern?

Before answering this question, it is necessary to describe the socio-economic scenario of Bangladesh in the last two decades. The globalisation process based on free market economy in the world and Bangladesh’s democracy after a prolonged autocratic regime came at the same time in 1990. Now the election-centric, immature democracy was in no way against a free market economy. Rather, the parliamentary democracy welcomed the free market economy with the imperialistic influence of countries like United States or alliances like NAFTA. In this global economic system, Bangladesh was at the receiving end. The peripheral capitalist countries of the Third World like Bangladesh have become the market of globalisation. However, other than the readymade garments industry based on cheap labour and the telecommunications sector based on foreign direct investment, in the 1990s, there arrived a class of traders who mainly imported products from foreign countries. These three sectors were parts of the emerging corporate class. A country of 150 million people meant a big potential market. From the traders’ point of view, there was a need to change people into consumers and a consumer culture became an essential prerequisite of the prevailing economic process.

This responsibility of creating a consumer culture fell on the media. Transcom is a group which import foreign products in Bangladesh and PA-DS are two corporate media owned by Transcom. In that process, the prime roles of media since the late 1990s included serving the interests of respective mother companies, upholding the interests of private or business sector as a whole, flooding the pages with advertisements, serving the news of market and corporate companies, informing readers about products in disguise of news -- and thus creating a habit of purchasing. Other than creating a market and introducing consumer culture, the leading corporate media identified the undisciplined activities of political parties as the main obstacle to the expansion of the business sector. In response, they tried to establish a civil society that would advocate for ‘democracy’, ‘good governance’ and a stable political environment; and the leadership of the society would be at the hands of businesspersons. For the same reason, some of the media outlets supported the military-backed interim government in 2007-08. The civil-corporate-media-military alliance has a unified vision of Bangladesh. By depoliticising all organisations, they want a hassle-free business environment. Developing and establishing the discourse of depoliticisation was one of the key responsibilities of the media.

The channel boom in the first decade of the millennium is another phenomenon in the industry. The pattern of today’s television programmes was set by Ekushey Television (ETV) – especially the news presentation, programme selection and graphical presentation style of ETV which are still followed by other channels. Currently, 12 to 13 channels are operating in the country, with more on the way. But all the channels including Channel I, ATN Bangla and NTV are operating within corporate journalism. These channels are totally dependent on advertisement market and as a part of corporate branding they have sold all of their news slots to advertisers. To get their stakes from the competitive advertisement market, they have made their news slot cheaper. The broadcast channels are submerged in the corporate journalism created by the print media. However, it is also true that in the last decade, the middle class has developed a habit of watching television news daily. The government-controlled news served by Bangladesh Television for decades prior to that kept the audience news-hungry. While the government has freed the print media, it still controls the broadcast media. Channels such as ETV, CSB and Channel One were shut down due to political considerations. Because of the covert threat of government censorship, channels still in operation lack boldness in their reporting.

In the first decade of the millennium, the FM channel arrived as a new phenomenon. Four FM channels based on pop music are now on the air. The target audience of these channels are young people and teens who have grown through the consumer culture or who are eager to access that culture. The channels with English-influenced Bengali accents serve hourly news, traffic updates and stock updates. These channels also include talk shows and interviews along with music. These stations survive on the corporate culture created by other media before them.

Against this trend of corporatisation, community radio is going to be started. This radio will work for the development of the local community. But the ownership and license of community radio are only given to non-governmental organisations (NGOs), thus raising questions of whether they can transcend the existing development discourse.

The introduction of Right to Information Act (RTI) at the end of the first decade of the millennium, initiated by NGOs and supported by leading newspapers, is also an important incident in the existing media environment. In India, RTI was a demand of the people, but in Bangladesh it was pushed by NGOs whose agenda is fixed by foreign donors. Still, community radio and the RTI Act are two important developments in the media scenario.

At this moment, the media situation in Bangladesh is quite different from other countries. Where in other countries newspapers are gradually closing down because of the growth of cyberspace, in Bangladesh, new newspapers are coming into operation. The economy of Bangladesh is expanding and the usage of Internet is less than in developed countries. Arrival of new newspapers complies with the prevailing socio-economic situation in Bangladesh. As a result, not only television channels or FM radio, the print media is also expanding here. It should be noted that, until today, the print media is the most influential media in Bangladesh.

The age of Bangladesh as a nation will be half a century in the next decade. There came a great change in the media sector in the last one and a half decades, making it difficult to forecast what changes will come in the next decade. However, the change in the next decade will not be very radical. A few more television channels will go on air. But the existing advertisement market cannot support, say, 20 channels. So either some channels will not start at all or others will close down. Some more FM radio stations and newspapers might be started, but this media expansion may stop after market saturation.

The mainstream traditional media will face a new challenge in the form of cyberspace. More people will be connected with the web and they will be active netizens. In the last five years, some Bangla blog communities have been formed with a membership of some 200,000. Around a million people are connected on social networking media Facebook. These few hundreds of thousands of people will create an impact by non-professional but citizen journalism. This cyber community may make the mainstream journalists insecure in the coming decade. The traditional media will also try to make their presence felt on the web but their symbiotic relations with other powers will result in a lack of spontaneity characteristic of citizen journalists. A friction between professional and non-professional journalism on the web may well be the media conflict of the next decade.

Friday, April 23, 2010

Cinema(s) of Bengal(s)


Until 1956, Bengali cinema meant cinema made from Kolkata. It was a big industry within India since 1930s and Bengali Muslims from East Bengal were basically the consumers of the film. However, the international recognition of Satyajit Ray and artistic success of some other filmmakers like Ritwik Ghatak and Mrinal Sen from West Bengal, India had created a profound impact on the filmmakers of Bangladesh. The Dhaka-based first full length sound feature film Mukh O Mukhosh (The Face and the Mask) was made in 1956, just after the next year of the release of Pather Pachali by Satyajit Ray. The film industry of Bangladesh, Bangladesh Film Development Corporation (BFDC), was established in 1957. One of the earlier film Ashia (1960), produced from BFDC and directed by Fateh Lohani was highly influenced by Pather Pachali. After the independence, the first internationally recognized film from Bangladesh, Suryo Dighal Bari (The Ominous House, 1979) by Masihuddin Shaker and Sheikh Niamat Ali was also influenced by Satyajit Ray’s neo-realist filmmaking style. The first film Dhire Bahe Meghna (Quiet Flows the River Meghna, 1973) by Alamgir Kabir – one important auteur of post-independence Bangladesh – was a co-production with India. He had cast several actors from India in most of his films. The three great filmmakers of West Bengal – Ray, Ghatak and Sen – all of them either born in East Bengal and later migrated to India after the partition in 1947 or their ancestors were born in East Bengal.

So the plight of partition, or the reminiscence of their homeland were the subjects of some of films by Ray, Ghatak and Sen. Ritwik Ghatak is one of them who never accepted the artificially created partition of India as well as partition of Bengal and he had always talked about the cultural unison of two Bengals. He made an important film Titas Ekti Nadir Naam (The River called Titas) in Bangladesh in 1973. Thus both of the Bengals had influenced each other which was reflected in cultural expressions like literature, theatre and film. It is not surprising that the independent filmmakers of Bangladesh are influenced by art cinema tradition of West Bengal. Zakir Hossain Raju says:

"In an informal setting such as within the film societies, they [the independent filmmakers] watched and discussed western films from Europe, the US and Indian art films before they embarked in making their own films. Therefore the [independent] short films of the 1980s-90s followed the textual forms of these foreign cinemas, especially of the Indian art cinema and Italian Neorealism." (Zakir Hossain Raju, Bengali or Muslim?: Islam, Identity and Art Cinema in Contemporary Bangladesh, Jamini: Cinema and Identity, ed. Ziaul Karim, vol 5, no. 1, 2009)

Satyajit Ray portrayed the cultural identity of Bengal in his films but he had a universal outlook at the same time. Ritwik Ghatak concentrated in the issues of Bengal only – its politics and culture were his areas of concentration; he talked about the cultural unison of Bengalis and he incorporated melodrama and acting style in his films from local folk drama Jatra. Jatra is a form of folk drama of Bengal combining acting, songs, music, dance, characterised by stylised delivery and exaggerated gestures and orations.

But the cinemas from West Bengal and Bangladesh have distinctiveness as well. Since 1947, both of the Bengals are experiencing different political incidents. Bangladesh has gone through a language movement, and a bloody liberation war. The two predominant religions in two Bengals have created different ways of life, different thinking patterns. In earlier politics, culture and economy, Hindu Bengalis were predominant in all senses. Even the Ghatak’s idea of cultural unity of Bengal was awkward for using abundance of Hindu symbols and icons which might work as hindrance to the unity. According to Sugata Sinha, "He [Ghatak] basically considered that Bengali identity had emerged from an archetypical layer of Hindu mythology present in the collective unconscious." (Sugata Sinha, Ritwik Ghatak and Bengali Identity, Jamini: Cinema and Identity, ed. Ziaul Karim, vol 5, no. 1, 2009).

After 1947, Bengali Muslims from East Bengal had got the opportunity to create Dhaka as their own hub of culture and economy. Now Bengali Muslim filmmakers are more interested in portraying their own history and culture which rarely transcend the timeline of 1947. On the other hand the Bengalis of West Bengal, instead of looking back to the common Bengali language and culture, are eager to get their stake in national Indian context. Observers say the future capital of Bengali literature and culture would be Dhaka. The distinctiveness between two Bengals is getting clearer as time passes.